2/21/2023 0 Comments Monolingual spanish![]() We argue that the observed vulnerability in these early-acquired SUBJ contexts follows froman interaction between the child HSs’ engagement with the HL environment (including their resultingcommand of the HL grammar) and linguistic factors common to all SUBJ contexts. Crucially, exposure to and use of Spanish and, even more so, a standardized measureof Spanish morphosyntactic proficiency were strongly associated with SUBJ use in both contexts by thechild HSs. While SUBJ is categorically used in the first-generation input the child HSs receive at home,the school-aged HS children exhibit elevated optionality, the majority show a pattern of use typical ofvery young monolingual children, and there is wide variance amongst the child HSs across all ages.Overall, they exhibit slightly more optionality within epistemic modality (adverbials) than deonticmodality (volition). Through an oral sentence-completion task administered to 50 school-aged HS children, thisstudy observes whether language-internal factors (modality, variability) and speaker-factors (age,exposure/use, or morphosyntactic proficiency) influence acquisition of the SUBJ in the examinedcontexts. This study tests the development of the SUBJ in two of the earliest acquiredcontexts by monolingual children - SUBJ with volitional clauses and adverbial clauses with futurereference. The Spanish subjunctive mood (SUBJ) is said to be highly vulnerable in heritage language (HL) acquisition.However, there is little controlled research on heritage-speaking children acquiring the various SpanishSUBJ contexts, so we do not have a clear picture of when, how, or why heritage speakers (HSs) developin the SUBJ as they do. For theories of language acquisition, it is important to consider that although the linguistic knowledge of the HSs may differ from that of monolinguals, their grammar is protracted rather than incomplete. Input from parents is not correlated with HSs’ performance and neither Spanish use nor language proficiency predicts GG performance on HSs. However, older HSs had higher accuracy than younger HSs. Results show that HSs’ scored significantly lower than monolinguals in both grammatical structures in which the unmarked masculine default predominates. HSs’ parents reported children’s time in each language and also completed the elicitation task. We measured GG production in determiners and adjectives via an elicited production task. We compared four and eight-year-old HSs to same-age monolingual children on their gender production. This study examines grammatical gender (GG) production in young Spanish heritage-speakers (HSs) and the potential effect of the children’s language use and their parents’ input. However, the grammatical deficit seems clinically relevant only when children are compared to the same language peer group (i.e., bilinguals compared to bilinguals). Results support evidence that Spanish morphosyntax is vulnerable to error in monolingual and bilingual Spanish–English children with LI. There were no observed differences between bilinguals and monolinguals with TD however, 60% of bilinguals with TD were misclassified as LI when using a cut score derived from monolingual-only data. ![]() Significant differences were observed between bilingual TD and LI groups on all tasks however, no differences were observed between bilinguals with TD and monolinguals with LI except on a sum-score across all tasks. Performance across groups was compared using cloze tasks that targeted articles, clitics, subjunctives, and derivational morphemes in 57 children. This study compares Spanish morphosyntax error types and magnitude in monolingual Spanish and Spanish–English bilingual children with typical language development (TD) and language impairment (LI). ![]()
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